Real Estate

AGUAN ALLEGEDLY BACKED BY JOKOWI: AGUNG SEDAYU’S LAND GRAB CASE UNTOUCHED BY LAW

Supardi Kendi Budiardjo, the Chairman of the Indonesian Land Mafia Victims Forum (FKMTI), finds himself a victim of land and judicial mafia criminalization in this country.

In a statement relayed through his son, Ambert, Budi shared the latest updates with the media. His lawyer had informed him that his case, along with his wife Nurlela, has officially been registered with the Supreme Court for an appeal (Kasasi). Budi’s case is filed under Case Number 49/Akta.Pid.B/2023/PN.JKT.Brt, while his wife’s case is registered under Number 50/Akta.Pid.B/2023/PN.JKT.Brt.

Budi recalled a meeting with Commissioner General Ari Dono Sukmanto in 2018, who was then serving as Deputy Chief of Police under General Tito Karnavian. During this meeting, Budi was informed that his report had been completed and was ready to move forward. The case involved the Director of PT Sedayu Sejahtera Abadi, Alexander Halim Kusuma, who had allegedly encroached on his land.

However, the case hit a roadblock under Tito Karnavian, then Chief of Police. A case review held on August 2, 2017, at the National Police Criminal Investigation Unit (Bareskrim) revealed that seven investigators from Jakarta Metropolitan Police were questioned by the Professional and Security Division (Propam) regarding alleged breaches of professional ethics due to unprofessional investigations. Additionally, Budi’s assault case file, which he had filed with the West Jakarta Police, mysteriously went missing.

As a result, the case involving the illegal occupation of one hectare of land, the theft of five containers, and the assault carried out by thugs hired by the Agung Sedayu Group stalled. Agung Sedayu Group, owned by Sugianto Kusuma (alias Aguan), is also the developer behind the PIK 2 project (PT PANI, Tbk). Ultimately, Budi and his wife, Nurlela, were the ones criminalized and sentenced to two years in prison.

Budi believes that Tito Karnavian, as Chief of Police, was unable to pursue the case against the land mafia because it did not have the support of President Jokowi. According to Budi, his case has reached President Jokowi through various channels, including Sukiyat, the man behind the Esemka car that propelled Jokowi to national fame, and other direct intermediaries to the president.

Budi also shared that the details of his case had been delivered to high-ranking officials, including the Minister of Home Affairs, the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs, the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning, the Chief of Police, and other government bodies.

In a book published by FKMTI titled “The Role of Legal Mafia & Land Mafia in the Theft of 5 Containers and the Seizure of 1 Ha of Land Belonging to SK Budiardjo/Nurlela”, Budi outlines how Agung Sedayu seized his land by leveraging law enforcement officers. The book highlights a commercial property in the Golf Lake Residence Housing Complex, located on Kamal Raya – Outer Road Cengkareng, which was sealed by the West Jakarta Government. This property was built without a building permit (IMB) on land allegedly taken from Budi by PT Sedayu Sejahtera Abadi, part of the Agung Sedayu Group.

It was only later that Budi realized why his case wasn’t progressing. He questioned why, after his land was seized and his containers stolen, he and his wife were the ones imprisoned.

He ultimately concluded, “It turns out that Aguan (Sugianto Kusuma), who is not only a successful businessman but also a volunteer at Yayasan Budha Tzu Chi Indonesia, is being backed by President Jokowi. Ahok was right—Jokowi wouldn’t have become president without the support of developers like Aguan. My case, approved by the Deputy Chief of Police at the time, went nowhere, and now Jokowi has entrusted Aguan with major projects, including the new capital development (IKN) in East Kalimantan.”

Budi expressed his disappointment with the state of the nation. “Why is the land mafia protected by President Jokowi? Why are land thieves being given state projects? How can we stand by while the people of this nation are oppressed by these land mafias?”

Despite being imprisoned, Budi instructed his lawyer to continue informing the public about his case. He urged others to share and spread his story, hoping to expose the unchecked actions of the land mafia.

In addition to Hagus Gunawan in Teluk Naga, Budi shared that many others have fallen victim to Agung Sedayu. “I have data from FKMTI members and I’m ready to share it,” said Budi.

Budi also revealed that in the northern coastal area (Pantura), 900 hectares of land are controlled by just three individuals, as indicated by the Land Identification Numbers (NIBs). According to Ministerial Regulation No. 18 of 2016, the maximum land ownership for agricultural land by an individual should be no more than 20 hectares.

“Why does the government allow this to happen? Why hasn’t the National Land Agency (BPN) verified and corrected the ‘Clear and Clean’ status of this land? What hidden interests lie behind the issuance of these NIBs?”

Budi suspects that this land-grabbing scheme, which benefits developers like Agung Sedayu, will continue. “The land mafia has only grown more powerful during Jokowi’s 10-year administration.”

Uncovering Injustice: The Role of Sugianto Kusuma in Victimization

Budiarjo and Nurlela find themselves imprisoned on charges of document forgery, yet the absence of supporting forensic evidence raises significant concerns about the integrity of the investigation. This situation prompts important legal questions. Will Police Chief General Listyo Sigit Prabowo reassess the case and launch a new inquiry, as he has pledged to uphold scientific crime investigation standards? Furthermore, it is essential to hold Alexander Halim Kusuma, the Director of PT SSA during the 2006 incidents, accountable as a suspect.

This case underscores broader anxieties regarding the impartiality of law enforcement in Indonesia, particularly when influential organizations like Agung Sedayu Group are involved. A comprehensive re-investigation utilizing scientific techniques could illuminate the facts and facilitate the delivery of justice.

Moreover, it has come to light that Sugianto Kusuma, also known as Aguan, employs his right-hand man, Ali Hanafia, for questionable activities. Rather than dismissing victims who seek assistance and attributing blame to Ali for the wrongdoing, Aguan should focus on confronting these injustices instead of merely concentrating on his philanthropic efforts. This conduct not only highlights the struggles faced by victims like Budi but also reinforces the critical need for accountability and justice within Indonesia’s legal system.